Historical overview of individual countries

The Western Balkans is a region of countries that have turbulent backgrounds, times of war, international disagreements, and conflicting interests. The period following the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) was difficult for most of these countries. The ensuing wars in this region that followed the break up of Yugoslavia caused international hatred and division of the nations that were once Yugoslavia. Two of these ex-Yugoslav states, Slovenia and Croatia, are already part of the European Union and an equal partner when it comes to shaping EU policies. It is important to highlight the history of other states of former Yugoslavia in the period following the breakup of Yugoslavia. Knowing their history, we can proceed to further analyze and research the situation in each candidate country of Western Balkan individually and their process of joining the European Union. In the following section, I present an overview of the history of each of the countries of Western Balkan that are not yet part of the European Union.

2.1.1 North Macedonia

North Macedonia and five other countries were part of a new after Second World War formatted federation, Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. After the separation of SFRY, Macedonia left the federation in September 1991 without any conflicts. The independence was confirmed with a referendum where Macedonian citizens voted for independence. Three-quarters of citizens who voted, wanted Macedonia to become a sovereign state. About 75 percent of the 1.3 million eligible voters did so (The New York Times, 1991, p. 1). As an independent country, North Macedonia was in a difficult economic and financial position because ''almost the entire Macedonian economic infrastructure was built around and made to function as a part of the Yugoslav economy'' (Marolov, 2013, p. 52). In January 2001, North Macedonia faced the conflict with ethnic Albanian insurgents. After negotiations between Macedonia and ethnic Albanians, the conflict ended with a peace agreement determining the future institutional arrangement of interethnic relations. (Stojkovski, 2010, p.87-88). Despite the hundreds of lives

spent (T. Nenovski, I. Smilkovski, 2012, p. 419). The years after, North Macedonia was in a tough transition period followed by economic crises, the first as a result of the military conflict in 2001, and the second recession as a result of the global financial crisis 2007-2008. As a small country in Yugoslavia, after the separation and the transition from the political system to parliamentary democracy, North Macedonia faced economic and political problems. The problems that existed in Yugoslavia after the separation expanded their scope, both internally and internationally (Ekonomija I biznis, 2020).

During Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski and Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization-Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity (VMRO-DPMNE) governing from 2006 to 2017, Macedonia seemed to be moving in the right direction, promising a better future for citizens through numerous campaigns. However, excessive government spending and numerous administrative employments have led the country to insolvency and the need for additional loans (Ordanoski, 2011, p.95-97). The government was changed in 2017 and the new current Prime Minister is Zoran Zaev from the party Social Democratic Union of Macedonia (SDUM). Zaev and his party strive for membership in NATO and the EU. The whole process of joining EU and NATO was at first blocked by neighboring Greece over the name dispute (DW, 2017). An important change of Zaev’s government was the changing of the name of the country in 2018, which has been a significant long-standing problem between Macedonia and Greece, as well as a problem for Macedonia's EU accession.

Greece's dispute with North Macedonia has a historic origin and is connected with identity problems. This problem was based on the identification of a part of the Greek people as ethnic Macedonians who are not related to the Macedonians from the country North Macedonia. North Macedonia even adopted two amendments to its Constitution affirming that it ‘has no territorial claims against any neighboring states’ and ‘shall not interfere in the sovereign rights of other States and their internal affairs.’ However, that was not enough and Greece blocked the entrance of North Macedonia in NATO and the EU (Daskalovski, 2017, p.328). After the long negotiations and meetings, the Prespa Agreement between Greece and North Macedonia was signed in June 2018. On 11January 2019 the constitutional amendments with the required two-thirds majority were adopted by the Parliament of the Republic of Macedonia (EWB, 2019)

changing the official name of the country from the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia to North Macedonia.

2.1.2 Serbia

Serbia was the biggest country in SFRY and, like the other countries in the region had a tough history after the collapse of SFRY. In April 1992 a constitution for the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY), between Serbia and Montenegro was adopted. Serbia was for several years dominated by the politics of Slobodan Milošević. From 1989 to 1992 he was the President of Serbia in SFRY, from 1992 to 1997 the President of Serbia in a frame of FRY, and from 1997 to 2000 he was the president of FRY. Riots broke out between Serbia and the then Serbian province of Kosovo, which escalated in 1998 and sparked military clashes between the Kosovo Liberation Army and Serbian police. NATO airstrikes began in March 1999, displacing hundreds of thousands of civilians from the province and seeking refuge from the war. The governance of Slobodan Milosevic was followed by a lot of disagreements and mass protests all across Serbia, which contributed to concede defeat in October 2000 (DW, 2013). In February 2003, the federation was reconstituted in The State Union of Serbia and Montenegro. The situation after elections did not meet the expectations of citizens, reform initiatives were halted which contributed to disappointment by the Serbian population. In March 2003 Serbia once again faced the crisis after Prime Minister Zoran Đinđić was assassinated. Zoran Đinđić expressed clear support for the integration of Serbia into the European Union. Under his government, Serbia and Montenegro became members of the Council of Europe. In 2004, Boris Tadić won the Presidential elections and Vojislav Koštunica became the Prime Minister (UCA, 2020). That contributed to sealing the integration path of Serbia to the EU and supporting the idea that joining the EU is a priority for Serbia. The State Union of the Republics of Serbia and Montenegro was dissolved in June 2006. In 2006, Serbia with the declaration of independence finally became an independent country. When the political situation in Serbia seemed to be going in the right direction with great optimism, the problem with Kosovo's independence showed up.

Kosovo was an autonomous province of Serbia until 2008 when it declared independence. Serbia and Kosovo still have conflicts about Kosovo’s recognition. Serbia continues to claim that

Kosovo is a Serbian province. Resolving that problem is one of the conditions for Serbia's successful EU accession.

2.1.3 Montenegro

Montenegro was the smallest country with the lowest population in SFRY. The period after the SFRY separation was difficult for Montenegro. The country decided to stay in Yugoslavia with Serbia and adopted the constitution of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY). The federation was later reconstituted into Тhe State Union of Serbia and Montenegro. On the referendum held in 2006, where Montenegro voted to leave the federation with Serbia and proclaimed its independence (Ralchev, 2010, p. 100). The success of the referendum was confirmed with 55.4%

of the people voted for independence, which fulfills the set threshold of 55% (DW, 2006). EU institutions were involved and helped in the referendum process as an external influence. The cooperation between Montenegro and EU institutions later helped in the integration process and made integration the most important aim for the country. Following the referendum on the independence of the Republic of Montenegro, the parliament and the government declared the importance of the European processes and designated them as a priority. Diplomatic relations between the EU, its member states, and Montenegro began on 12 June 2006 (Radulovic, 2011, p.79-80).

2.1.4 Kosovo

According to some authors, the case of Kosovo¹ is one of the reasons for the breakup of the Yugoslavian federation. In the period since the breakup of the federation, to date, Kosovo has been a problem for Serbia (Stojkovski, 2010, p.71). Kosovo separated from Serbia in the spring of 1999 after the intervention of the NATO alliance and bombing operation when it became a protectorate of the United Nations and the NATO Alliance (Stojkovski, 2010, p.71). Kosovo is populated mostly with Albanian people, who wanted the status of a federal republic already within SFRY. In 2008 Kosovo declared independence. Today, its independence is recognized by

1This designation is without prejudice to positions on status, and is in line with UNSCR 1244/1999 and the ICJ Opinion on the Kosovo declaration of independence (European Commission, 2019).

22 out of 27 EU member states. There are still disputes between Serbia and Kosovo and Kosovo is not recognized by Serbia (Morsut & Irerra, 2018, p.164).

As part of the Western Balkans region, Kosovo has a clear European perspective and is a potential EU candidate country. EU is promoting and proposing reforms in Kosovo that would lead the country closer to the EU, which would ensure peace and stability in the region. Thus, the European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo and the full EULEX civilian mission aim to assist the Kosovo authorities in the establishment of sustainable and independent institutions of the rule of law (European Commission, 2016).

2.1.5 Bosnia and Herzegovina

Bosnia and Herzegovina (BIH) was part of SFRY and definitely was the most affected by the breakup from SFRY. After Croatia, Slovenia and Macedonia began to strive for independence, the BIH government elite started to discuss whether to stay in the Yugoslav federation or leave.

As an outcome, they decided for independence to protect their country. The referendum for independence held in March 1992 was boycotted by the great majority of Bosnian Serbs. On 1 March 1992, BIH declared independence and soon faced a civil war between three major ethnic communities (Serbs, Croats, and Bosnian Muslims). The war ended after 43 months in 1995. The war in BIH ended with signing the Dayton Peace Agreement that established a complex administrative structure of the new country (Ralchev, 2010, p. 42-43).

Today, BIH is one country with two federal entities Federal Bosnia and Herzegovina with a predominantly Bosnian-Croats population, and the Republic of Serbia with a predominantly Serbian population. The conflict has left a big mark on the country's further development.

Currently, BIH is a potential candidate country for EU accession. BIH is working on an implementation of legal, administrative, institutional, and economic reforms proposed by the EU to gain EU candidate status (DEUBH, 2019).

2.1.6 Albania

As a non-ex-Yu country, Albania was not directly affected by the crises following the breakup of SFRY. Nevertheless, Albania has also been through a difficult transition period from socialism to the new political system.Due to the long duration of the communist regime in Albania, it was one of the most underdeveloped countries in the region, economically and socially. However, the bigger problem for the state was the political regime as a whole, which resulted in disagreement between the major political parties (Stojkovski, 2010 p. 30). The lack of a good plan and the poor readiness of governments at that time to cope with the situation harmed the development of the country. The disintegration of the old regime took a long time, unlike in the rest of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The result was chaotic and brought political disagreements that led to the inability to form effective policies (Hashi and Xhillari, 1997, p.2). An important part of the Albanian transition period is the ''pyramid scheme phenomenon''² which left a significant mark on the development of the state during this period. The crisis that struck from 1996-1997 contributed to the creation of significant financial costs for the Albanian state. Political instability at the time and the collapse of the state overshadowed the results achieved in the five-year transition period (Muco, 1997, p.70). Today, Albania is making changes and reforms to become an EU member state.